Roger Roland And The Four Masters
Ruggero, or Rogero, who is also known as Rogerio and Rogerus with the
adjective Parmensis, or Salernitanus, of Parma or of Salerno, and often
in German and English history simply as Roger, lived at the end of the
twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century and probably wrote
his text-book about 1180. This text-book was, according to tradition,
originally drafted for his lessons in surgery at Salerno. It attracted
much attention and after being commented on by his pupil Rolando, the
work of both of them being subsequently annotated by the Four Masters,
this combined work became the basis of modern surgery. Roger was
probably born either in Palermo or Parma. There are traditions of his
having taught for a while at Paris and at the University of Montpellier,
though these are not substantiated. His book was printed at Venice in
1546, and has been lately reprinted by De Renzi in his Collectio
Salernitana.
Roland was a pupil of Roger's, and the two names that often occur in
medieval romance became associated in a great historic reality as a
consequence of Roland's commentary on his master's work, which was a
favorite text-book in surgery for a good while in the thirteenth century
at Salerno. Some space will be given to the consideration of their
surgical teaching after a few words with regard to some disciples who
made a second commentary, adding to the value of the original work.
This is the well-known commentary of the Four Masters, a text-book of
surgery written somewhat in the way that we now make text-books in
various departments of medicine, that is, by asking men who have made
specialties of certain subjects to write on that subject and then bind
them all together in a single volume. It represents but another striking
reminder that most of our methods are old, not new as we are likely to
imagine them. The Four Masters took the works of Roger and Rolando,
acknowledged their indebtedness much more completely than do our modern
writers on all occasions, I fear, and added their commentaries.
Gurlt says (Geschichte der Chirurgie, Vol. I, p. 703) that in spite
of the fact that there is some doubt about the names of the authors,
this volume constitutes one of the most important sources for the
history of surgery of the later Middle Ages and makes it very clear that
these writers drew their opinions from a rich experience. It is rather
easy to illustrate from the quotations given in Gurlt or from the
accounts of their teaching in Daremberg or De Renzi some features of
this experience that can scarcely fail to be surprising to modern
surgeons. For instance, what is to be found in this old text-book of
surgery with regard to fractures of the skull is likely to be very
interesting to surgeons at all times. One might be tempted to say that
fewer men would die every year in prison cells who ought to be in
hospitals, if the old-time teaching was taken to heart. For there are
rather emphatic directions not to conclude because the scalp is
unwounded that there can be no fracture of the skull. Where nothing can
be felt care must be exercised in getting the history of the case. For
instance, if a man is hit by a metal instrument shaped like the clapper
of a bell or by a heavy key, or by a rounded instrument made of
lead--this would remind one very much of the lead pipe of the modern
time, so fruitful of mistakes of diagnosis in head injuries--special
care must be taken to look for symptoms in spite of the lack of an
external penetrating wound. Where there is good reason to suspect a
fracture because of the severity of the injury, the scalp should be
incised and a fracture of the cranium looked for carefully. That is
carrying the exploratory incision pretty far. If a fracture is found the
surgeon should trephine so as to relieve the brain of any pressure of
blood that might be affecting it.
There are many warnings, however, of the danger of opening the skull and
of the necessity for definitely deciding beforehand that there is good
reason for so doing. How carefully their observations had been made and
how well they had taken advantage of their opportunities, which were, of
course, very frequent in those warlike times when firearms were unknown,
hand-to-hand conflict common, and blunt weapons were often used, can be
appreciated very well from some of the directions. For instance, they
knew of the possibility of fracture by contrecoup. They say that
quite frequently though the percussion comes in the anterior part of
the cranium, the cranium is fractured on the opposite part.[18] They
even seem to have known of accidents such as we now discuss in
connection with the laceration of the middle meningeal artery. They warn
surgeons of the possibilities of these cases. They tell the story of a
youth who had a very small wound made by a thrown stone and there seemed
no serious results or bad signs. He died the next day, however. His
cranium was opened and a large amount of black blood was found
coagulated about his dura mater.
There are many interesting things said with regard to depressed
fractures and the necessity for elevating the bone. If the depressed
portion is wedged then an opening should be made with the trephine and
an elevating instrument called a spatumen used to relieve the pressure.
Great care should be taken, however, in carrying out this procedure lest
the bone of the cranium itself, in being lifted, should injure the soft
structures within. The dura mater should be carefully protected from
injury as well as the pin. Care should especially be exercised at the
brow and the rear of the head and at the commissures (proram et pupim
et commissuras), since at these points the dura mater is likely to be
adherent. Perhaps the most striking expression, the word infect being
italicized by Gurlt, is: In elevating the cranium be solicitous lest
you should infect or injure the dura mater.
For wounds of the scalp sutures of silk are recommended because this
resists putrefaction and holds the wound edges together. Interrupted
sutures about a finger-breadth apart are recommended. The lower part of
the wound should be left open so that the cure may proceed properly.
Red powder was strewed over the wound and the leaf of a plant set above
it. In the lower angle of the wound a pledget of lint for drainage
purposes was inlaid. Hemorrhage was prevented by pressure, by the
binding on of burnt wool firmly, and by the ligature of veins and by
the cautery.
There are rather interesting discussions of the prognosis of wounds of
the head, especially such as may be determined from general symptoms in
this commentary of the Four Masters on Roger's and Rolando's treatises.
If an acute febrile condition develops, the wound is mortal. If the
patient loses the use of the hands and feet or if he loses his power of
direction, or his sensation, the wound is mortal. If a universal
paralysis comes on, the wound is mortal. For the treatment of all these
wounds careful precautions are suggested. Cold was supposed to be
particularly noxious to them. Operations on the head were not to be done
in cold weather and, above all, not in cold places. The air where such
operations were done must be warmed artificially. Hot plates should
surround the patient's head while the operation was being performed. If
this were not possible they were to be done by candlelight, the candle
being held as close as possible in a warm room. These precautions are
interesting as foreshadowing many ideas of much more modern time and
especially indicating how old is the idea that cold may be taken in
wounds. In popular medicine this still has its place. Whenever a wound
does badly in the winter time patients are sure that they have taken
cold. Such popular medical ideas are always derived from supposedly
scientific medicine, and until we learned about microbes physicians used
the same expressions. We have not got entirely away from them yet.
These old surgeons must have had many experiences with fractures at the
base of the skull. Hemorrhages from the mouth and nose, for instance,
and from the ears were considered bad signs. They were inclined to
suggest that openings into the skull should be discovered by efforts to
demonstrate a connection between the mouth and nares and the brain
cavity. For instance, in their commentary the Four Masters said: Let
the patient hold his mouth and nostrils tight shut and blow strongly.
If there was any lessening of the pressure or any appearance of air in
the wound in the scalp, then a connection between the mouth and nose was
diagnosticated. This is ingenious but eminently dangerous because of the
infectious material contained in the nasal and oral cavities, so likely
to be forced by such pressure into the skull. They were particularly
anxious to detect linear fractures. One of their methods of negative
diagnosis for fractures of the skull was that if the patient were able
to bring his teeth together strongly, or to crack a nut without pain,
then there was no fracture present. One of the commentators, however,
adds to this sed hoc aliquando fallit--but this sign sometimes
fails. Split or crack fractures were also diagnosticated by the method
suggested by Hippocrates of pouring some colored fluid over the skull
after the bone was exposed, when the linear fracture would show by
coloration. The Four Masters suggest a sort of red ink for this purpose.
While they have so much to say about fractures of the skull and insist,
over and over again, that though all depressed fractures need treatment
and many fissure fractures require trepanation, still great care must be
exercised in the selection of cases. They say, for instance, that
surgeons who in every serious wound of the head have recourse to the
trephine must be looked upon as fools and idiots (idioti et
stolidi). In the light of what we now know about the necessity for
absolute cleanliness,--asepsis as we have come to call it,--it is rather
startling to note the directions that are given to a surgeon to be
observed on the day when he is to do a trepanation. For obvious reasons
I prefer to quote it in the Latin: Et nota quod die ilia cavendum est
medico a coitu et malis cibis aera corrumpentibus, ut sunt allia, cepe,
et hujusmodi, et colloquio mulieris menstruosae, et manus ejus debent
esse mundae, etc. My quotation is from Gurlt, Vol. I, p. 707. The
directions are most interesting. The surgeon's hands must be clean, he
must avoid the taking of food that may corrupt the air, such as onions,
leeks, and the like; must avoid menstruating and other women, and in
general must keep himself in a state of absolute cleanliness.
To read a passage like this separated from its context and without
knowing anything about the wonderful powers of observation of the men
from whom it comes, it would be very easy to think that it is merely a
set of general directions which they had made on some general principle,
perhaps quite foolish in itself. We know, however, that these men had by
observation detected nearly every feature of importance in fractures of
the skull, their indications and contra-indications for operation and
their prognosis. They had anticipated nearly everything of importance
that has come to be insisted on even in our own time in the handling of
these difficult cases. It is not unlikely, therefore, that they had also
arrived at the recognition by observations on many patients that the
satisfactory after-course of these cases which were operated on by the
surgeon after due regard to such meticulous cleanliness as is suggested
in the paragraph I have quoted, made it very clear that these aseptic
precautions, as we would call them, were extremely important for the
outcome of the case and, therefore, were well worth the surgeon's
attention, though they must have required very careful precautions and
considerable self-denial. Indeed this whole subject, the virtual
anticipation of our nineteenth-century principles of aseptic surgery in
the thirteenth century, is not a dream nor a far-fetched explanation
when one knows enough about the directions that were laid down in the
surgical text-books of that time.